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Cambodia will be ASEAN chair next year — its third time since joining the regional group in 1999. The last time Cambodia chaired ASEAN was in 2012, when it was fiercely criticised for siding with China at the expense of other ASEAN states over territorial disputes in the South China Sea.
Agriculture remains an important sector in the developing world. In Cambodia, it is one of the top three economic sectors. But for a long time the sector has faced several critical barriers. One such barrier is the gap between farmers and financial support, and the failure of the Agricultural and Rural Development Bank (ARDB) grant-credit program to bridge it.
When digital currencies and cryptocurrencies sprang to life, bitcoin was viewed as a direct challenge to central banks’ control of currency.
Since the turn of the century, ‘economic pragmatism’ — the alignment of foreign policy with economic development interests — has shaped Cambodia’s foreign engagement.
Though the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) may bring only modest short-run economic benefits to Cambodia, the long-run outlook looks positive.
Cambodia’s government has received global accolades for its handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Entering 2020, analysts widely agreed that the stabilisation of Cambodia’s one-party rule was high on the list of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s priorities.
The origin of Cambodia–China ties can be traced back to the 13th century when a Chinese diplomat visited Angkor Wat, yet it is only in the last decade that the relationship has strengthened dramatically.
Unlike Europe, North America and recently Russia, Southeast Asia does not seem to have been hit as hard by the COVID-19 pandemic in terms of total deaths and confirmed cases.
The COVID-19 pandemic is a crisis like no other. It has disrupted social and economic activities worldwide — causing a global recession and government defaults among developing nations.
The MS Westerdam cruise ship — with 1455 passengers and 802 crew — was refused entry at five successive ports in Thailand, Taiwan, Japan, the Philippines and Guam for fears its passengers were infected with the coronavirus after departing its stop in Hong Kong at the start of the outbreak.
Cambodian politics in 2019 was characterised by tension and uncertainty.
It has been yet another impressive year for Cambodia’s economy.
Since the new US Ambassador to Cambodia W Patrick Murphy presented his credentials to Cambodian King Norodom Sihamoni on 19 October 2019, a number of developments have unfolded that indicate a potential diplomatic rapprochement between the two countries.
Economic growth in Cambodia is constrained by a lack of appropriate policy for electricity access and energy security.
Since its return to a market-oriented economy in 1989, Cambodia has pursued policies and reforms to integrate itself into regional and global value chains by modernising its industrial structure.
The debate about China’s rapidly growing global investment and development financing footprint has focused on deciphering Chinese intentions — whether China aims to revise or maintain the US-led ‘liberal international order’.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen’s delegation has returned from the second Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, bringing back 10 newly signed agreements. The trip was closely followed by Cambodians, who have an increasing interest in the course of the relationship between Cambodia and China.
In February 2019, the European Union launched an 18-month process over whether or not to maintain Cambodia’s preferential access to the EU market under the Everything But Arms (EBA) trade scheme.
Cambodia is drifting towards autocracy with a clear trend. An unprecedented crackdown on independent media, civil society and the country’s major opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), hardly suggest otherwise.
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