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East Asia Forum
Unlike Europe, North America and recently Russia, Southeast Asia does not seem to have been hit as hard by the COVID-19 pandemic in terms of total deaths and confirmed cases.
The COVID-19 pandemic is a crisis like no other. It has disrupted social and economic activities worldwide — causing a global recession and government defaults among developing nations.
The MS Westerdam cruise ship — with 1455 passengers and 802 crew — was refused entry at five successive ports in Thailand, Taiwan, Japan, the Philippines and Guam for fears its passengers were infected with the coronavirus after departing its stop in Hong Kong at the start of the outbreak.
Cambodian politics in 2019 was characterised by tension and uncertainty.
It has been yet another impressive year for Cambodia’s economy.
Since the new US Ambassador to Cambodia W Patrick Murphy presented his credentials to Cambodian King Norodom Sihamoni on 19 October 2019, a number of developments have unfolded that indicate a potential diplomatic rapprochement between the two countries.
Economic growth in Cambodia is constrained by a lack of appropriate policy for electricity access and energy security.
Since its return to a market-oriented economy in 1989, Cambodia has pursued policies and reforms to integrate itself into regional and global value chains by modernising its industrial structure.
The debate about China’s rapidly growing global investment and development financing footprint has focused on deciphering Chinese intentions — whether China aims to revise or maintain the US-led ‘liberal international order’.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen’s delegation has returned from the second Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, bringing back 10 newly signed agreements. The trip was closely followed by Cambodians, who have an increasing interest in the course of the relationship between Cambodia and China.
In February 2019, the European Union launched an 18-month process over whether or not to maintain Cambodia’s preferential access to the EU market under the Everything But Arms (EBA) trade scheme.
Cambodia is drifting towards autocracy with a clear trend. An unprecedented crackdown on independent media, civil society and the country’s major opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), hardly suggest otherwise.
China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) continues to draw criticism and disapproval.
Economic growth in Cambodia remained robust in 2018 at a projected rate of 6.9 per cent, compared with 6.8 per cent in 2017.
Amid shifting global power dynamics and intense pressure from the West, Cambodia’s foreign policy strategy in the coming years will aim to diversify its external relations, with a focus on South and East Asian countries.
In March 2018, the Cambodian government announced its plan to be ready to transform into a digital economy by 2023.
The perception that Hun Sen is establishing a family dynasty in Cambodia has been reinforced with the promotion of his eldest son Hun Manet to the second highest rank in the nation’s military earlier this month.
This year marks the 60th anniversary of Cambodia–China diplomatic ties, and the relationship between the two countries has never been closer.
In June 2018, a leaked environmental impact assessment report on the proposed Sambor Hydropower Dam project in Cambodia revealed that constructing a dam at the proposed site could ‘literally kill the [Mekong] River’.
In January 2018, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang visited Cambodia and oversaw the signing of 19 new development deals.
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